Globalization has not only changed modern international relations, but also introduced significant adjustments to their theoretical understanding. Positivist theories, which reign supreme in the interpretation of international relations throughout the 20th century, are being replaced by post-positivism more and more confidently in the new century. Post-positivist theories began with constructivism, which is an intermediate theory and borrows features from both of these directions. The article describes the emergence and development of constructivism and formulates its main provisions. The views of the main representatives of constructivism – N. Onuf, F. Kratochvil and A. Wendt – were reflected. Key concepts of international relations are examined, such as identity, national interests and international security in the context of constructivism.
Keywords: Social construction of reality, symbolic interactionism, identity, speech act theory, interactive knowledge, identity, securitization.

On April 11, 2024, the first trilateral summit between the United States, Japan and the Philippines took place at the White House. The joint statement issued following the meeting can be described as an open and clear document, it states that the summit was “historic”, “the pinnacle of decades of partnership” [1]. The three countries will work together to build a free and open Indo-Pacific, a region of active engagement, prosperous, secure, inclusive.
The international alliance being created is an important vector of American global policy. Understanding the significance of this alliance, its influence on regional and global security seems relevant in the context of the transformation of the world order.
Based on an analysis of signed relevant documents, this article attempts to summarize the areas of cooperation where the United States, Japan, and the Philippines have reached consensus. The purpose of the study is to attempt to assess the significance of the formation of a trilateral security partnership between the United States, Japan and the Philippines and the forecast for the regional order, including for China, based on this round of interaction between the three countries and their motivation to further deepen cooperation.
Keywords: U.S.-Japan-Philippines summit, security and defense cooperation, motivations of the three countries to deepen cooperation, consequences of the trilateral security partnership.

At the moment, the following trends of interaction between China and Central Asian countries can be distinguished. The first is the strengthening of economic and trade cooperation. China is actively investing in various infrastructure, energy and transport projects in the region, which con-tributes to strengthening ties and creates conditions for economic development. The second is the expansion of China’s influence in the political sphere of Central Asia. China actively conducts diplomatic and political work in the region, maintaining friendly relations with the governments of Central Asian countries. China’s influence in the international arena in the region is increasing and can influence the decision-making of important political issues. The third is the strengthening of cultural and educational ties between China and the countries of Central Asia. China is actively developing student exchange, cultural programs and cooperation in the field of education. This contributes to the expansion of mutual understanding and stimulates the development of cultural ties between countries. The fourth is the fear of the Central Asian states that China’s economic influence in the region may lead to an increase of its political influence. The strengthening of China’s political influence in Central Asia is manifested in establishing friendly relations with the govern-ments of the countries of the region and building partnership dialogues on important political issues. Conclusions. China is striving to strengthen and develop its position in the Central Asian region. As part of its «One Belt, One Road» initiative, China sets the task of developing transport and energy infrastructures in this region, which should con-tribute to the growth of economic ties between China and the countries of Central Asia. Nevertheless, taking into account the cultural peculiarities of the region, China’s interaction with the countries of Central Asia, in addition to the economic component, should be supported by the implementation of «soft power» tools to create and maintain a positive image.
Keywords: Central Asia, China, mass media, publications, cooperation, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, One Belt, One Road» initiative

The article is devoted to the study of the “One Belt – One Road” (OBOR) initiative with the aim to identify its unique role in the economic diplomacy of People’s Republic of China. In order to achieve this goal, the study clarified the essence of “economic diplomacy” concept and identified China’s foreign policy objectives. This made it possible to formulate China’s economic diplomacy objectives and demonstrate the role of the initiative in their execution.
The use of economic diplomacy concept as a theoretical framework for the “One Belt – One Road” initiative analysis is the scientific novelty of the study. This approach enabled, firstly, to formulate the political and economic objectives of China’s economic diplomacy. Secondly, to show the relationship between politics and economics in PCR’s foreign policy. Thirdly, systematically demonstrate the unique role of the initiative in delivering the identified objectives.
The main sources for the study were official documents and statements of the People’s Republic of China leaders, data and reports from the World Trade Organization and other online databases. The research papers of Russian and foreign scholars in the fields of economic diplomacy, international political economy, foreign policy and economy of the People’s Republic of China and OBOR initiative were investigated as a part of the study.
The study has demonstrated that OBOR initiative makes it possible to deliver the entire range of economic and political objectives of the China’s economic diplomacy. At the same time, its uniqueness lies in overcoming the geographical and content limitations of the standard mechanisms of interstate economic cooperation. OBOR helps to create China-centric international economic regime bypassing the existing global governance institutions dominated by the United States. As a result it is concluded that “One Belt, One Road” initiative is one of the key tools in achieving China’s leadership in international influence and promoting the concept of a “community of the common destiny of mankind.”
Key words: national economic interests, foreign policy objectives, international political economy, international institutions and regimes, China’s foreign policy, geo-economics, international competition and protectionism.

The article is devoted to the problem of building scientific and technological cooperation between the BRICS countries through the development of priority areas in modern conditions. The purpose was to determine the current state of interaction between the BRICS countries in the field of science, technology and innovation. Since the BRICS countries have significant resources, their cooperation in science and technology becomes one of the determining factors in the development of the world. The author examined the main obstacles that prevent BRICS from becoming an international center of scientific and technological development. They are a lack of funding and foreign direct investment, dependence on natural resources and Western sanctions. The recommendations relate to the participation of development banks and institutional investors in stimulating partnerships among BRICS member states and in addressing the goal of de-dollarization of internal BRICS transactions, the creation of a common BRICS currency and bilateral joint investment funds, as well as promoting international unity, the introduction of green technologies, digitalization and the creation of human capital. At the end of the article, there is a conclusion about the high potential of scientific and technological cooperation between the BRICS countries.
Key words: scientific and technological cooperation, BRICS, scientific and technological progress, R&D.

Fragmentation and Organizational Complexity of Colombian Criminal Organizations)
The article hypothesizes that the internal armed conflict in Colombia which was initially waged in the form of an irregular war has in recent years transformed into a non-classical war in the form of a criminal insurgency. In a criminal insurgency the state is opposed by non-state violent actors primarily highly developed criminal organizations that de facto pursue political goals when they reach a sufficiently high evolutionary level. The aim of the article is to show the transformation of irregular war in Colombia into non-classical war in the form of criminal insurgency. It has been established that many Colombian non-state violent actors including guerrillas and far-right paramilitary groups have almost completed their criminalization having lost their political and ideological motivation. Together with other criminal organizations they are fragmenting and becoming more complex corresponding to a signs of third-generation gangs and partly third-generation cartels. It has been revealed that a significant factor in the fragmentation of Colombian guerrilla and far-right paramilitary organizations is their demobilization. The emergence of criminal organizations is also due to the fragmentation of the pre-existing Medellin Cartel and Cali Cartel. It is concluded that fragmented guerrilla organizations and far-right paramilitary groups which subsequently transformed into criminal organizations along with highly organized gangs are able to de facto achieve or strive to achieve political goals including through control over certain territories of the state.
Keywords: Colombia, internal armed conflict, non-classical wars, criminal insurgency, irregular war, non-state violent actors, criminal organizations, fragmentation, networkization.