Abstract. The current digital transformation is impacting all aspects of life, including diplomatic activities, cultural cooperation, and the education system. In each of these areas, digitalization is unfolding in its own unique way, altering people’s usual way of life and the nature of their interactions. The digitalization of the education system is not merely a fashionable trend but a necessity of the modern world, requiring targeted support. The key driving force behind these profound changes is artificial intelligence (AI). This article is dedicated to the potential and challenges of implementing AI in the field of education. Digital systems can enhance efficiency, personalization, and accessibility of education. They open new opportunities for expanding the geography of the educational landscape and changing its structure. However, the implementation of AI technologies is associated with certain difficulties and problematic aspects. In recent years, the phenomenon of “AI-assisted plagiarism” has become widespread in educational institutions, raising important ethical issues related to the use of automatically generated texts in the learning process. The solution to this problem lies in changing our perception of AI technologies not just as a simple technological breakthrough, but as a multifaceted social process affecting many spheres of current existence. This approach allows for the full realization of AI’s potential in the educational process while minimizing potential difficulties and risks. Mastering AI technologies is crucial for future international relations specialists who will be working in an environment of total application and integration of these technologies into professional activities. The article examines documents from domestic IT companies and recommendations from UNESCO experts on regulating and ensuring the safe and ethical application of AI.
Key words: digitalization, digital technologies, AI plagiarism, artificial intelligence, “digital purity”, digital risks.

Abstract. The international military campaign to stabilize the Sahel region, launched in 2012, failed due to the military’s rise to power following a series of military coups in countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. Consequently, in 2023, these countries united into a military bloc called the Alliance of Sahel States (ASS) to combat terrorism and separatism and to counter the threat of military intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Niger. Furthermore, in January 2024, the ASS member states announced their withdrawal from ECOWAS (ASS-EXIT). ECOWAS, for its part, attempted to rectify the situation by lifting the sanctions imposed on these states. As a result, the ASS-EXIT exit officially took place in January 2025.
In July 2024, despite efforts by ECOWAS to resolve the situation with the AGS countries, the latter strengthened their integration by creating the “Confederation of States of the Alliance of Sahel States” (CSS).
The purpose of this article is to examine the process of separation of the ASS member states from the regional organization (ECOWAS): from the ASS to the CSS and the prospect of creating a federal state. In this study, the author analyzes the common features of the ASS/CSS countries, their unification into the ASS, the creation of the CSS, and possible interaction with ECOWAS in the future. As a result of this study, the author concludes that the CSS is a new subject of international relations and international law. The CSS and/or each member state can join ECOWAS individually and/or collectively as a subject of international law to address common issues for the benefit of the economic well-being of the peoples of the region.

Keywords: Sahel, geopolitics, Alliance of Sahel States, Confederation of Sahel States, ECOWAS, Actor International Law, Federal Republic of Sahel States.

Abstract. Over the past thirty years, the unstable international political situation has contributed to the emergence of new global perspectives in the theory and practice of international relations. In this article, the author, using the method of literature and statistical analysis, aims to analyze the current state of development of the Chinese discipline of international relations, to determine the importance of localization of its theoretical concepts in China, as well as to identify the regional complexity and international geostrategic significance of the development of this discipline. To achieve this goal, the article examines how leading Chinese scientists, based on regional peculiarities and national conditions, have created an independent and distinctive system of theoretical knowledge, as well as their interaction and application in world science. The results of the study show that from the end of the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century, the development of Chinese theory of international relations was inextricably linked to the constant research and contribution of Chinese scientists, due to the influence of Anglo-American theories of international relations and the implementation of policies of reform and openness. Together with their Western colleagues, they witnessed the formation and development of not only non-Western theories of international relations, but also the entire discipline of international relations. This article introduces elements of scientific novelty into the creation of a theoretical framework that is lacking in such first-class world disciplines as the history of Chinese political philosophy and the history of Chinese diplomacy.
Keywords: symbiosis theory, Shanghai school, international relations, China, constructivism, world order, international politics, political philosophy.

This paper examines the development and evolution of China’s approach to information warfare amid the intensifying struggle for a new, more just world order.
The essence of information warfare has remained virtually unchanged since World War II, but modern technological advances offer increasingly greater opportunities to influence the opposing side, a key global trend in its evolution. Currently, the United States and its allies have reached the peak of intensity in information warfare with Russia, China, and other states opposing Western countries. At the same time, tools for combating such warfare are actively developing, including both socio-humanitarian and digital technologies.
This paper provides a periodization of the evolution of China’s approaches to confronting and waging information warfare. Five key periods are identified: the development of approaches (1994-1999), the development of information security measures (2000-2013), the strengthening of the legal framework and the development of international information security initiatives (2013-2018), information warfare during the trade war with the US and the pandemic (2019-2022), and the current stage of the global confrontation between the collective West and the Global Majority (2022-present).
Russia and China are strengthening their strategic partnership, striving to create a new, more just world order and jointly acting as an “insurmountable” barrier in the information war between the global West and the “non-West.” China’s leadership strictly controls the information space in the country through censorship and blocking of news websites and social media. These measures limit access to unwanted information, making China more protected from information attacks from the West.

Abstract. The purpose of this study is to comparatively analyze the evolution of cyberpower concepts as a key component of modern state power in order to identify their underlying paradigms.
The article analyzes key approaches to the study of cyberpower that have emerged since the early 2000s. It presents expert positions critically evaluating the Western approach to understanding cyberpower and examines the concept of “developmental cyberpower.” A comparative analysis of modern tools for measuring state cyberpower, such as the National Cyberpower Index of Harvard University’s Belfer Center and the methodology of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), is provided. The author notes that, despite the development of a number of indices, the scientific community lacks a unified definition and clear criteria for cyberpower. The debate continues to evolve, incorporating new factors, such as the role of artificial intelligence as a key technological enabler. In conclusion, the study of state cyberpower has evolved from a technical concept of security to a complex, multidimensional political and strategic category that is an integral part of the overall power of a state in the 21st century. At the same time, in a multipolar digital world, the need for a context-sensitive approach to defining and assessing state cyberpower is clear.
Keywords: digital power, digital strength, cyberspace, cyber sovereignty, information and communications technology, cyber powers, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence

Abstract. The active restructuring of the domestic and foreign policy foundations undertaken by the establishment of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) in the last decade has drawn researchers’ attention to the goals, objectives, and instruments of activity established in the transformational program “Saudi Vision 2030.” While most scholars delve into the study of socio-economic transformations and the efforts to break free from the “oil curse,” they often overlook the humanitarian factor of the Kingdom’s foreign policy. This factor is gradually gaining increasing importance for changing the country’s image on the world stage and strengthening its regional position as a pillar of the Middle East, which presents significant interest for academic research. The study involved an analysis of both scholarly literature on KSA’s foreign policy and changes in the country’s regional standing, as well as official documents that address issues related to the humanitarian goals of the Kingdom’s government, particularly the policy documents of KSrelief. A range of methods was applied: structural-functional analysis, historical and comparativist approaches, content analysis, and factor analysis.
The conducted research has proven that the humanitarian activities of the KSA government are a modern tool of foreign policy influence. This tool shapes the Kingdom’s attractive image on the global stage, strengthens the country’s geopolitical standing in the Middle East, allows for the management of risks associated with its own foreign policy decisions, and solidifies Riyadh’s leadership position as a future “regional pillar” amid the transformation of the global world order. It is concluded that soft power tools, particularly the KSA’s humanitarian diplomacy implemented through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Centre (KSrelief), have become significant channels for promoting the country’s national interests on the world stage. They contribute to changing Riyadh’s status in regional processes, transforming it into an ambitious regional leader possessing the necessary resources to exert its influence.
Keywords: the Middle East, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, foreign policy priorities, regional pillar, humanitarian sphere, modernization program.

Abstract. The article examines one of the most important contemporary global issues – the development of approaches to global governance of artificial intelligence (AI) in connection with the 2023 initiative of the President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping, advanced within the framework of his 2015 concept of a “Community of Shared Future for Humanity” (CSFH). The rapid development of AI and the intensifying “technology race” in the digital economy, including the emerging “AI race”, make it necessary to establish mechanisms for global regulation and governance of these technologies at the UN level. At the same time, the current capacities of the United Nations remain limited, which calls for a phased approach: initially the creation of mechanisms for global AI regulation, followed by a gradual transition to more comprehensive global governance. The guidelines proposed by China and set out in the “Global Initiative on Global Governance” (2025), which was supported by the President of Russia at the 2025 SCO summit in Tianjin, largely coincide with the decisions of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee and set out a set of principles, procedures and multilateral cooperation platforms that can serve as a basic institutional framework for the subsequent development of international norms and mechanisms for AI regulation. Special attention is paid to the risks of monopolizing the development and use of AI, the emergence of digital power as a new form of power and the entrenchment of digital hegemony. The article shows that China’s initiative on global AI governance has considerable potential to advance the principles of multipolarity, inclusiveness and technological justice, but at the same time remains weakly formalized in terms of binding rules and stable procedures and faces resistance from a number of Western actors.
Key words: China’s 2023 initiative on global governance of artificial intelligence, global regulation of AI, global governance of AI, Xi’s concept of the “Community of Shared Future for Humanity” (2015), the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, digital power, digital hegemony, “technology race”, “AI race”.

Abstract. In the context of global technological modernization, the fundamental principles of forming and implementing state social strategy are being rethought. This article analyzes and systematizes key approaches to the digitalization process in social policy. The author focuses on a comparative study of the main scientific schools defining the methodological framework of this transformation process. The article demonstrates that dominant approaches range from a technocratic paradigm, which views digital solutions as an optimization tool, to a sociotechnical model, which emphasizes profound changes in the institutional environment and social practices.
This article analyzes current practices in implementing social policy in the Russian Federation and other countries in the context of digitalization. The study proposes an integrative model that allows for a comprehensive assessment of the driving forces, structural components, and social consequences of digital transformation. It is concluded that successful modernization of the social sphere requires a synthesis of technological infrastructure, adaptation of the regulatory framework, and consideration of the human factor, which together form a new ecosystem of social services.

Abstract. The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of partnership diplomacy as a central instrument of China’s modern foreign policy, formed in response to the challenges of the post-bipolar world, which redefines approaches to building international relations, as well as evidence of its consistency, evolutionariness and fundamental difference from the practices of alliances. Drawing on Chinese sources, the genesis, essence and evolution of this model are examined. An analysis of Chinese scholars’ approaches to the concept of “partnership” is presented, and its authorial definition is formulated as a strategic arrangement within the framework of non-aligned cooperation, representing a flexible form of bilateral relations based on common interests, equality, and a non-confrontational stance towards third parties.
The work presents an authorial chronology of the development of the PRC’s partnership system since 1993, outlining its key objectives and characteristics. Particular attention is paid to a comparative analysis of partnership and the traditional military-political alliance based on criteria such as purpose, spheres of cooperation, nature, degree of institutionalisation, and obligations, which underscores the fundamental distinction of the Chinese model from the logic of bloc confrontation.
The substantive content and interpretation of the main types of partnerships are examined in detail, alongside academic debates concerning their efficacy and practical significance. The system of factors China considers when establishing and deepening partnership relations is revealed, among which mutual political support (especially on issues of sovereignty and territorial integrity) and economic interdependence play a key role, rather than military or coercive influence. The attention is also paid to the shortcomings of China’s partnership diplomacy.
In conclusion, it is argued that China’s partnership diplomacy constitutes a holistic, consistent, and strategically significant model of foreign policy interaction. It serves as a practical projection of the concept of a “community with a shared future for mankind,” offering an inclusive alternative to traditional alliances and playing a key role in the implementation of Beijing’s global initiatives, such as the “Belt and Road” initiative.
Keywords: Chinese foreign policy, partnership diplomacy, strategic partnership, comprehensive partnership, alliance.

Abstract. The article deals with the ideological concepts of Kemalism and Neo-Ottomanism in the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey and the problem of the shift from the Kemalist basis to the Neo-Ottoman doctrine. After the Justice and Development Party came to power, the Turkish government began to reconsider the role of Turkey and its place in the international arena, considering its ambitious plans to become a regional leader of the Middle East region. The main idea is that countries, especially Western countries, do not treat Turkey as a full partner, emphasizing its ‘superior’ position both economically, politically and socially.
The author reveals Kemalism and neo-Ottomanism, their goals and main ideas. In addition, the neo-Ottomanist ideological concept is being considered as a unifying idea of such ideologies as neo-Turkism and Islamism. Due to the search for various opportunities to realize the idea of turning the Republic of Turkey into a regional power and an important player on the world stage, the Turkish government also seeks to transform the country into a “defender” and “voice” of the Muslim world in order to strengthen its position on a global scale and gain greater political approval from the population of Muslim countries.
The author also points out possible scenarios for the transition to neo-Ottomanism and possible risks in the implementation of the proposed outcomes.
Keywords: Republic of Turkey, international relations, foreign policy, neo-Ottomanism, Kemalism, neo-Panturkism, Islamism.